After ten years of research and two years of writing, Professor Ely Carneiro de Paiva from the Faculty of Mechanical Engineering (FEM) at Unicamp will launch his book on November 15th. 1897 – The polarized Republic and the assassination attempt against Prudente de Morais (Ayran Publishing). The book signing will take place at Livraria da Vila, in Shopping Iguatemi Campinas, starting at 16 PM.
In an interview with Journal of UnicampPaiva discusses research related to the turbulent term of Prudente de Morais (1841-1902), the third president of Brazil and the first civilian to hold the office, who governed from 1894 to 1898. His presidency marked the transition from the military government, known as the "Republic of the Sword," to the so-called "Politics of the Governors" (1898-1930). On November 5, 1897, during a military ceremony, Morais survived an assassination attempt.
According to the author, the period has parallels with Brazil's recent history. Political polarization, nostalgia for the military government, betrayals by the vice-president, hate speech, conspiracy theories, and fake news marked the trajectory of the first Brazilian president elected by direct vote.
Unicamp Journal (JU) – What motivated you to write the book, given that you are from the field of engineering?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva – I’ve always enjoyed history, researching, and writing. In the early 2010s, I began researching the history of my wife’s great-grandfather, which resulted in the book. Jean Serrou Camy – A Frenchman from the Pyrenees in the heart of BrazilI also wrote about the Brazilian conman Afonso Coelho de Andrade in the book The Man on the White HorseDuring my research, I read a lot about the history of Rio de Janeiro during that time. Andrade fled in 1897, one of the most turbulent years of Prudente de Morais's presidency. That became interesting, and I decided to dedicate myself to studying that period.
JU – How was the research process?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva – I researched over 5 pages of newspapers in the rich archive of the National Library. I also used books as references. How presidents were made: men and events from the beginning of the republic., by Dunshee de Abranches (José Olympio Publishing House), and Stories of presidents: the Catete Republic, by Isabel Lustosa (Vozes Publishing House). The book was published by Ayran, from Rio de Janeiro, whose editor-in-chief is Lená Medeiros de Menezes, professor emerita at UERJ [Rio de Janeiro State University], and it went through a committee of historians. I was happy to have it approved. She was surprised by the depth of the book, which passed the scrutiny of someone in the field, since I am not a historian.
JU – What do you highlight about that period and what parallels can be drawn with current political history?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva Brazil was experiencing a polarization. On one side were the monarchists, and on the other, the republicans, who were divided between moderates and Jacobins. For the Jacobins, however, anyone who wasn't a Jacobin was a monarchist; there was no such thing as a 'moderate republican.' Even Prudente de Morais was called a monarchist, something like today's hardcore Bolsonaro supporters, who call everyone who isn't a Bolsonaro supporter a communist. Bolsonaro, in fact, has already been called a modern Jacobin. At that time, there was a lot of hate speech, many people wanted the return of militarism, and the imbalance between political forces was great.
JU – What challenges did Prudente de Morais face?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva - His predecessor was Floriano Peixoto, a military man who had suppressed several popular revolts and refused to meet with him to discuss the transition of power. At the time, the press had been censored. When Prudente de Morais took office, he found the presidential palace destroyed and without staff. He immediately tried to diminish the importance of the Ministry of War and restored freedom of the press, but faced much opposition, since most parliamentarians were military men. Morais was very conciliatory; many accused him of being weak and demanded a firm hand. In 1896, he was forced to step down for kidney surgery and had to confront his main adversary, his own vice-president, Manoel Vitorino (1853-1902).
JU – How did Vice President Vitorino act to harm the government?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva – Vitorino was a very vain doctor from Bahia who wanted to be president. When Morais stepped down, he allied himself with the Jacobins and undid everything the president had done to weaken the military. He remained in power for four months and sent a third federal expedition to Canudos, under the command of Colonel Moreira César, who tragically died during the operation. The city was destroyed, and Vitorino was an idol and a possible future president. His strategy, from what I've researched, was that if he won in Canudos, he would take the credit. If he failed, the blame would fall on Morais. At the time, the newspapers followed this line, and the image of the president, who returned to office four days before the announcement of Moreira César's death, was tarnished when Vitorino began making violent attacks against him. At that moment, Brazil's economy was terrible, and the country was heavily indebted.
JU – During your research, what else did you find in newspapers from that time that draws parallels with Brazil today?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva - I found phrases in newspapers and reports that show prejudice against Black people, people from the Northeast of Brazil, people from the North of Brazil, and Indigenous people, as well as the treatment given to the United States. For example, Joaquim Murtinho, Minister of Finance under Prudente de Morais, declared that "Brazil should not equal the progress of the United States, because I believe that American success is due to the fact that it is a people of a superior race." Bernardino de Campos, who was governor of São Paulo, stated that "if the states of the North and Northeast want to enjoy the same benefits, they must follow the example of São Paulo and work hard." Also, from newspapers of the time, I highlight the phrase used by foreign ambassadors at the inauguration of the Catete Palace: "This is the country of monkeys." These are things we still hear today and that bring reflections on the republic and the incompatibility of the idea of equality and justice for all.
JU – You state that fake news and conspiracy theories were common at that time, including during the Canudos War. What was the main one?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva The biggest piece of fake news was that the Count d'Eu and Princess Isabel were financing Antônio Conselheiro. Congress was terrified, believing that Brazil would be invaded. I found a text in a newspaper that begins like this: "It is known that the Count d'Eu has been sending money to Conselheiro." For the first time, a newspaper raised suspicions that Princess Isabel and her husband, exiled in Europe, were financing Canudos and that it was all a plan to restore the monarchy. The conspiracy theory would explain the succession of defeats suffered by the military in the backlands.
JU – What other fake news stories have you identified?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva - There was fierce competition among newspapers to survive. The press mixed editorials with news, and the newspapers were all politically controlled. In my research, I looked at several newspapers with news about the same event to have access to all versions. There's a curious story about the appearance of a ghost woman in the Laranjeiras neighborhood, a headless woman who frightened people and even attracted crowds. The newspaper The Jacobin It is reported that Deocleciano Martyr, identified as one of the alleged intellectual masterminds behind the attack against Morais, was among the crowd and was arrested for disorderly conduct a week before the attack. Newspapers in Brazil He claimed to have received a very fragrant letter from the ghost woman asking them to stop the persecution, and the newspaper itself organized a visit so that people could see the letter and smell the perfume. On that occasion, a man became ill, and the newspaper canceled the visit.
JU – Are there any previously unpublished historical documents or surveys mentioned in the book?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva - Yes. Besides several behind-the-scenes accounts from Congress, there is an unpublished testimony by Morais, published a year before his death and apparently unknown to historiography, in which he recounts his impressions of that moment of polarization in the Republic. His statement was published in November 1901 in two different newspapers, one from São Paulo and the other from Rio de Janeiro. The journalist Carlos de Laet had accused Morais of having "blood on his hands" for not having repressed the attacks against monarchists that occurred in early 1897, which would culminate in the attempt on his own life on November 5th. He responded with four justifications, which are refuted, one by one, by Carlos de Laet, as I present in the book.
JU – Does the book leave any mysteries or unanswered questions?
Ely Carneiro de Paiva - Yes, I can point out two. The first is the ambiguous behavior of Bernardino de Campos, who was sometimes on the side of the Jacobins, and sometimes on the side of Morais. Despite being Morais's minister, he passed information to the Jacobins and prevented radical republicans from being convicted for the death of a monarchist journalist. Another mystery is the real degree of involvement of the vice-president in the assassination attempt. Whether he was complicit, an accomplice, or participated in the plan, there are still controversies.
