Garage churches rake in millions

Sociologist sees autonomous Pentecostal temples on the outskirts as a neoliberal phenomenon

The number of Brazilians who identify as evangelicals but claim not to have ties to well-known and established churches has skyrocketed in Brazil over the last two decades – according to the most recent data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), the increase reached 466% in just ten years. In the outskirts of the city, this explosion appears to be related to the proliferation of a type of church that was rare until the turn of the century and that is distinguished by the way it emerged: from an individual initiative, without the participation of other religious institutions.

Known as a garage church, this organization is almost always founded by a neighborhood resident who has some experience in pastoral work and who, once dissatisfied with his religious-institutional ties, takes a dissident position and creates his own church. In a master's degree study conducted at the Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences (IFCH), sociologist Jefferson Arantes examined these small churches, which he defined as “autonomous peripheral churches.”

The notable presence of this type of church, especially in urban outskirts, as well as the speed with which they expanded – a phenomenon that the sociologist called “autonomous marginal Pentecostalism” – attracted the researcher’s attention, determining the choice of his theme. As a focal point, Arantes chose as his main subject the founders of these institutions, almost always precarious workers who, in addition to exercising their pastoral function, see in the creation of a church not only an opportunity for evangelization, but also for social recognition and improvement of their own living conditions.

The researcher was interested in exploring the stories of these people, their desires and experiences, as well as investigating the motivations and social conditions present in the decision to create an autonomous church – instead of opening, for example, one linked to well-known institutions or even joining an existing church. On the other hand, the formation of these autonomous churches led him to also study the possible influence of neoliberal thinking and the culture of entrepreneurship on religious agents.

His study coincided with the current moment of religious effervescence in Brazil, marked by the emergence of new expressions in the evangelical field. Precisely because they are recent, says Arantes, these churches often end up being identified as neo-Pentecostal – an academic definition for religious practices that are guided by prosperity theology. If they do not fit the traditional profile of a Pentecostal church – characterized by preaching a direct relationship with God through the Holy Spirit – these churches are automatically considered neo-Pentecostal. This is a conceptual error, he states. “Perhaps the research could be, in a way, an invitation to start looking at these new features of evangelical growth outside of this classic Pentecostal framework or what is understood, in the literature, as neo-Pentecostal.”

Arantes carried out his work under the supervision of sociologist Sávio Cavalcante, a professor at IFCH who dedicates himself to research on the sociology of work and the sociology of inequality. The theme of the master’s degree, explains the professor, is part of a line of projects that deal with the organization of neoliberal conservatism in Brazil, a line coordinated by the dissertation advisor. “Jefferson’s question was: what are the social roots of neoliberalism and how much does this foster the religious entrepreneurial side in the outskirts? This is a topic with a large literature in religious studies, but which often does not draw on the accumulation of knowledge that has occurred in other areas, such as the sociology of work,” said the advisor.

To explore the phenomenon, the sociologist visited five neighborhoods on the outskirts of Campinas (SP): Parque Oziel, Monte Cristo, Gleba-B, Sítio Paraíso and Jardim do Lago II, cataloging 60 autonomous churches. In addition to the peculiar way in which they originated, these churches, Arantes noted, are aimed at people who belong to the lower classes of the population. This segment is currently under dispute. Despite the delay in the census, it is estimated that today 30% of evangelicals are undetermined. With an eye on their growth, large churches have held events to try to attract autonomous churches. In Brasília, the possibility of creating a secretariat to dialogue with small churches and discover their local demands is being studied.

In his ethnography, Arantes sought to explore life stories, personal experiences and the conditions that permeated the decision to found a church. “Since we were trying to understand these autonomous initiatives, we were very interested in investigating how the agent is motivated to set one up,” he explained. “This was a very pertinent decision, to look at a dimension of life that articulates family, friendships, personal networks and religiosity – and that is in the territories of the peripheries,” said Cavalcante.

In addition to conducting interviews with ten religious agents, the now master in sociology attended religious services, participated in church celebrations and accompanied pastors in their activities. The sociologist found that most of the interviewees did not grow up in an evangelical family: they converted at some point in their lives. In common, they all reported having received a calling from God to not only serve as a believer, but to lead and pastor. In their former churches, although they were endowed with religious knowledge that would allow them, for example, to lead a service, they were not recognized as pastors and occupied lesser positions.

The dissertation not only identified the significant presence of the neoliberal imaginary among religious agents, but also showed quite irregular professional trajectories, characterized predominantly by the performance of low-paying manual activities. Given the strong impact of neoliberalism and the process of precariousness between the 1990s and 2000s, many of these people, armed with religious knowledge, decided to found their own churches. “They all harbor an expectation of perhaps being able to survive exclusively from religious work in the future. One difficult thing: of all of them, only two managed to achieve this goal. All the others were in a process of trying to transition.”

In addition to religious aspects such as vocation and mission, the sociologist identified the intention to improve their lives and the search for social recognition as common traits among these people. “In these suburbs, the figure of the pastor is highly respected even by those who are not evangelical. And this is not new. So, it is really an enterprise that aims at a new life.” In the churches founded by female pastors, Arantes says he has identified a network of women that works both to care for each other's children and to exchange food and other material resources.